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MEXICAN AFFAIRS 



ADDRESS 

OF THE 

PRESIDENT OF THE 
UNITED STATES 

DELIVERED AT A JOINT SESSION 

OF THE TWO HOUSES OF 

CONGRESS 



AUGUST 27, 1913 




WASHINGTON 
1913 



MEXICAN AFFAIRS 



ADDRESS .^^'1<^1p65' ^ 



OF THE 



PRESIDENT OF THE 
UNITED STATES 

DELIVERED AT A JOINT SESSION 

OF THE TWO HOUSES OF 

CONGRESS 



AUGUST 27, 1913 




WASHINGTON 
1913 







D. OF D. 
AUG 3i. 1913 



? 



ADDRESS. 



Gentlemen of the Congress: 

It is clearly my duty to lay before you, very fully and without 
reservation, the facts concerning our present relations with the 
Republic of Mexico. The deplorable posture of affairs in Mexico 
I need not describe, but I deem it my duty to speak very frankly of 
what this Government has done and should seek to do in fulfillment 
of its obligation to Mexico herself, as a friend and neighbor, and to 
American citizens whose lives and vital interests are daily aifected 
by the distressing conditions which now obtain beyond our southern 
border, 

Those conditions touch us very nearly. Not merely because they 
lie at our very doors. That of course makes us more vividly and 
more constantly conscious of them, and every instinct of neighborly 
interest and sympathy is aroused and quickened by them; but that 
is only one element in the determination of our duty. We are glad 
to call ourselves the friends of Mexico, and we shall, I hope, have 
many an occasion, in happier times as well as in these days of 
trouble and confusion, to show that our friendship is genuine and 
disinterested, capable of sacrifice and every generous manifestation. 
The peace, prosperity, and contentment of Mexico mean more, much 
more, to us than merely an enlarged field for our commerce and 
enterprise. They mean an enlargement of the field of self-govern- 
ment and the realization of the hopes and rights of a nation with 
whose best aspirations, so long suppressed and disappointed, we 
deeply sympathize. We shall yet prove to the Mexican people that 
we know how to serve them without first thinking how we shall 
serve ourselves. 

But we are not the only friends of Mexico. The whole world 
desires her peace and progress; and the whole world is interested 
as never before. Mexico lies at last where all the world looks on. 
Central America is about to be touched hj the great routes of the 
world's trade and intercourse running free from ocean to ocean 
at the Isthmus. The future has much in store for Mexico, 

(3) 



4 

as for all the States of Central America; but the best gifts can 
come to her only if she be ready and free to receive them and to 
enjoy them honorably. America in particular — America north and 
south and upon both continents — waits upon the development of 
Mexico; and that development can be sound and lasting only if it 
be the product of a genuine freedom, a just and ordered government 
founded upon law. Only so can it be peaceful or fruitful of the 
benefits of peace. Mexico has a great and enviable future before 
her, if only she choose and attain the paths of honest constitutional 
government. 

The present circumstances of the Republic, I deeply regret to 
say, do not seem to promise even the foundations of such a peace. 
We have waited many months, months full of peril and anxiety, for 
the conditions there to improve, and they have not improved. They 
have grown worse, rather. The territory in some sort controlled 
by the provisional authorities at Mexico City has grown smaller, not 
larger. The prospect of the pacification of the country, even by- 
arms, has seemed to grow more and more remote ; and its pacification 
by the authorities at the capital is evidently impossible by any other 
means than force. Difficulties more and more entangle those who 
claim to constitute the legitimate government of the Republic. They 
have not made good their claim in fact. Their successes in the 
field have proved only temporary. War and disorder, devastation 
and confusion, seem to threaten to become the settled fortune of 
the distracted country. As friends we could wait no longer for a 
solution which every M^eek seemed further away. It was our duty 
at least to volunteer our good offices — to oifer to assist, if we might, 
in effecting some arrangement which would bring relief and peace 
and set up a universally acknowledged political authority there. 

Accordingly, I took the liberty of sending the Hon. John Lind, 
formerly governor of Minnesota, as my personal spokesman and rep- 
resentative, to the City of Mexico, with the following instructions: 

Press very earnestly upon the attention of tliose who are now exercising 
autliority or wielding influence in Mexico the following considerations and 
advice : 

The Government of the United States does not feel at liberty any longer to 
stand inactively by while it becomes daily more and more evident th;;t no real 
progress is being made towards the establishment of a government at the City 
of Mexico which the country will obey and respect. 

The Government of the United States does not stand in the same case with 
the other great Governments of the world in respect of what is happening or 
what is liltely to happen in Mexico. We offer our good otfices. not only because 
of our genuine desire to play the part of a friend, but also because we are 
expected by the powers of the world to act as Mexico's nearest friend. 

We wish to act in these circumstances in the spirit of the most earnest and 
disinterested friendship. It is our purpose in whatever we do or propose in 
this perplexing and distressing situation not only to pay the most scrupulous 



regtird to the sovereignty and independence of Mexico — ^tbat we take as a 
matter of course to which we are bound by every obligation of right and 
honor — but also to give every possible evidence that we act in the Interest of 
Mexico alone, and not in the interest of any person or body of persons who may 
have personal or property claims in Mexico which they may feel that thej^ have 
the right to press. We are seeking to counsel Mexico for her own good and in 
the interest of her own peace, and not for any other purpose wha'te^•er. The 
(s!overnment of the United States would deem itself discredited if it had any 
selfish or ulterior purpose in transactions where the peace, happiness, and pros- 
perity of a whole people are involved. It is acting as its friendship for Mexico, 
not as any selfish interest, dictates. 

The present situation in Mexico is incompatible with the fulfillment of inter- 
national obligations on the part of Mexico, with the civilized development of 
Mexico herself, and with the maintenance of tolerable political and economic 
conditions in Central America. It is upon no common occasion, therefore, that 
the United States offers her counsel and assistance. All America cries out for 
a settlement. 

A satisfactory settlement seems to us to be conditioned on — • 

(a) An immediate cessation of fighting throughout Mexico, a definite armis- 
tice solemnly entered into and scrupulously observed ; 

(&) Security given for an early and free election in which all will agree to 
take part ; 

(c) The consent of Gen. Huerta to bind himself not to be a candidate for 
election as President of the Republic at this election ; and 

(d) The agreement of all parties to abide by the results of the election and 
cooperate in the most loyal way in organizing and supporting the new adminis- 
ti'atioa. 

The Government of the United States will be glad to play any part in this 
settlement or in its carrying out which it can play honorably and consistently 
with international right. It pledges itself to recognize and in every way possi- 
ble and proper to assist the administration chosen and set up in Mexico in the 
wary and on the conditions suggested. 

Taking all the existing conditions into consideration, the Government of the 
United States can conceive of no reasons sufficient to justify those who are now 
attempting to shape the policy or exercise the authority of Mexico in declining 
the ofilces of friendship thus offered. Can Mexico give the civilized world a 
satisfactory reason for rejecting our good offices? If Mexico can suggest any 
better way in which to show our fi-iendship, serve the people of Mexico, and 
meet our international obligations, we are more than willing to consider the 
suggestion. 

Mr. Lind executed his delicate and difficult mission with singular 
tact, firmness, and good judgment, and made clear to the authorities 
at the City of Mexico not only the purpose of his visit but also 
the spirit in which it had been undertaken. But the proposals he 
submitted were rejected, in a note the full text of which I take 
the liberty of laying before you. 

I am led to believe that they were rejected partly because the 
authorities at Mexico City had been grossly misinformed and misled 
upon two points. They did not realize the spirit of the American 
people in this matter, their earnest friendliness and yet sober determi- 
nation that some just solution be found for the Mexican difficulties; 



6 

and they did not believe that the present administration spoke, 
through Mr. Lind, for the people of the United States. The effect 
of this unfortunate misunderstanding on their part is to leave them 
eingularly isolated and without friends who can effectually aid them. 
So long as the misunderstanding continues we can only await the 
time of their awakening to a realization of the actual facts. We can 
not thrust our good offices upon them. The situation must be given 
a little more time to work itself out in the new circumstances ; and I 
believe that only a little while will be necessary. For the circum- 
stances are new. The rejection of our friendship makes them new 
and will inevitably bring its own alterations in the whole aspect of 
affairs. The actual situation of the authorities at Mexico City will 
presently be revealed. 

Meanwhile, what is it our duty to do? Clearly, everything that 
we do must be rooted in patience and done with calm and disin- 
terested deliberation. Impatience on our part would be childish, 
and would be fraught with every risk of wrong and folly. We can 
afford to exercise the self-restraint of a really great nation which 
realizes its own strength and scorns to misuse it. It was our duty 
to offer our active assistance. It is now our duty to show what true 
neutrality will do to enable tne people of Mexico to set their affairs 
in order again and wait for a further opportunity to offer our 
friendly counsels. The door is not closed against the resumption, 
either upon the initiative of Mexico or upon our own, of the effort 
to bring order out of the confusion by friendly cooperative action, 
should fortunate occasion offer. 

While we wait the contest of the rival forces Avill undoubtedly for 
a little while be sharper than ever, just because it will be plain that 
an end must be made of the existing situation, and that very 
promptly; and with the increased activity of the contending factions 
will come, it is to be feared, increased danger to the noncombatants 
in Mexico as well as to those actually in the field of battle. The 
position of outsiders is always particularly trying and full of hazard 
where there is civil strife and a whole country is upset. We should 
earnestly urge all Americans to leave Mexico at once, and should 
assist them to get away in every way possible — not because we 
would mean to slacken in the least our efforts to safeguard their 
lives and their interests, but because it is imperative that they should 
take no unnecessary risks when it is physically possible for them to 
leave the country. We should let every one who assumes to exercise 
authority in any part of Mexico know in the most unequivocal way 
that we shall vigilantly watch the fortunes of those Americans who 
can not get away, and shall hold those responsible for their sufferings 
and losses to a definite reckoning. That can be and will be made 
plain beyond the possibility of a misunderstanding. 



For the rest, I deem it my duty to exercise the authority conferred 
upon me by the law of March 14, 1912, to see to it that neither side 
to the struggle now going on in Mexico receive any assistance from 
this side the border. I shall follow the best practice of nations in 
the matter of neutrality by forbidding the exportation of arms or 
munitions of war of any kind from the United States to any part 
of the Republic of Mexico — a policy suggested by several interesting 
precedents and certainly dictated by many manifest considerations 
of practical expediency. We can not in the circumstances be the 
partisans of either party to the contest that now distracts Mexico, or 
constitute ourselves the virtual umpire between them. 

I am happy to say that several of the great Governments of the 
world have given this Government their generous moral support in 
urging upon the provisional authorities at the City of Mexico the 
acceptance of our proffered good offices in the spirit in which they 
were made. We have not acted in this matter under the ordinary 
principles of international obligation. All the world expects us 
in such circumstances to act as Mexico's nearest friend and intimate 
adviser. This is our immemorial relation towards her. There is 
nowhere any serious question that we have the moral right in the 
case or that we are acting in the interest of a fair settlement and of 
good government, not for the promotion of some selfish interest 
of our own. If further motive were necessary than our own good 
will towards a sister Republic and our own deep concern to see peace 
and order prevail in Central America, this consent of mankind to 
what we are attempting, this attitude of the great nations of the 
world towards what we may attempt in dealing with this distressed 
people at our doors, should make us feel the more solemnly bound 
to go to the utmost length of patience and forbearance in this 
painful and anxious business. The steady pressure of moral force 
will before many days break the barriers of pride and prejudice 
down, and we shall triumph as Mexico's friends sooner than we 
could triumph as her enemies — and how much more handsomely, 
with how much higher and finer satisfactions of conscience and of 
honor ! 



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REPLY OF SENOR GAMBOA TO PROPOSALS OF THE AMERICAN 
GOVERNMENT CONVEYED THROUGH HON. JOHN LIND. 



Mexico, August 16, 1913. 

Sir : On the 6th instant, pursuant to telegraphic instructions from 
his Government, the charge d'affaires ad interim of the United States 
of America verbally informed Mr. Manuel Garza Aldape, then in 
charge of the department of foreign affairs, of your expected arrival 
in this Republic with a mission of peace. As fortunately neither 
then nor to-day has there existed a state of war between the United 
States of America and the United Mexican States, my Government 
was very much surprised to learn that your mission near us should 
be referred to as one of peace. This brought forth the essential con- 
dition which my Government ventured to demand in its unnumbered 
note of the 6th instant addressed to the aforesaid charge d'affaires — 
•' that if you do not see fit to properly establish your official charac- 
ter " your sojourn could not be pleasing to us according to the mean- 
ing which diplomatic usage gives to this word. 

Fortunatel}^, from the first interview I had the pleasure to have 
with you, your character as confidential agent of your Government 
was fully established, inasmuch as the letter you had the kindness 
to show me, though impersonally addressed, was signed by the Presi- 
dent of the United States, for whom we entertain the highest respect. 

It is not essential at this time, Mr. Confidential Agent, that I 
should recall the whole of our first conversation. I will sa}^, how- 
ever, that I found you to be a well-informed man and animated by 
the sincerest wishes that the unfortunate tension of the present rela- 
tions between your Government and mine should reach a prompt and 
satisfactory solution. 

During our second interview, which, like the first one of the 14th 
instant, was held at my private (^), you saw fit, after all intent, 
honest and frank exchange of opinion concerning the attitudes 
of our respective Governments which did not lead us to any decision, 
to deliver to me the note containing the instructions, also signed by 
the President of the United States. Duly authorized by the Presi- 
dent of the Republic, pursuant to the unanimous approval of the 
Cabinet, which was convened for the purpose, I have the honor to 
make a detailed reply to such instructions. 

The Government of Mexico has paid due attention to the advice 
and considerations expressed by the Government of the United 
States; has done this on account of three principal reasons: First, 
because, as stated before, Mexico entertains the highest respect for the 
personality of His Excellency Woodrow Wilson; second, because 
certain European and American Governments, with which Mexico 

1 Omission. 
(9) 



10 

cultivates the closest relations of international amity, having in a 
most delicate, respectful way, highly gratifying to us, made use of 
their good oiRces to the end that Mexico should accord you a hearing, 
inasmuch as you were the bearer of a private mission from the Presi- 
dent of the United States; and, third, because Mexico was anxious, 
not so much to justify its attitude before the inhabitants of the Re- 
public in the present emergency, the great majority of whom and by 
means of imposing and orderly manifestations, have signified their 
adhesion and approval, as to demonstrate in every way the justice 
of its cause. 

The imputation contained in the first paragraph of your instruc- 
tions that no progress has been made toward establishing in the 
capital of Mexico a Government that may enjoy the respect and 
obedience of the Mexican people is unfounded. In contradiction 
with their gross imputation, which is not supported by any proofs, 
principally because there are none, it affords me pleasure to refer, 
Mr. Confidential Agent, to the following facts which abound in 
evidence and which to a certain extent must be known to you by 
direct observation. The Mexican Republic, Mr. Confidential Agent, 
is formed by 27 States, 3 Territories, and 1 Federal District, in 
which the supreme power of the Republic has its seat. Of these 
27 States, 18 of them, the 3 Territories, and the Federal District 
(making a total of 22 political entities) are under the absolute con- 
trol of the present Government, which, aside from the above, exercises 
its authority over almost every port in the Republic and conse- 
quently over the customhouses therein established. Its southern 
frontier is open and at peace. Moreover, my Government has an 
army of 80,000 men in the field with no other purpose than to insure 
complete peace in the Republic, the only national aspiration and 
solemn promise of the present provisional President. The above is 
sufficient to exclude any doubt that my Government is worthy of 
the respect and obedience of the Mexican people, because the latter's 
consideration has been gained at the cost of the greatest sacrifice and 
in spite of the most evil influences. 

My Government fails to understand what the Government of the 
United States of America means by saying that it does not find itself 
in the same case with reference to the other nations of the earth 
concerning what is happening and is likely to happen in Mexico. 
The conditions of Mexico at the present time are unfortunately 
neither doubtful nor secret; it is afflicted with an internal strife 
which has been raging almost three years, and which I can only 
classify in these lines as a fundamental mistake. With reference to 
what might happen in Mexico neither you, Mr. Confidential Agent, 
nor I nor anyone else can prognosticate, because no assertion is possi- 
ble on incidents which have not occurred. On the other hand, my 
Government greaiiy appreciates the good offices tendered to it by the 
Government of the United States of America in the present circum- 
stances; it recognizes that they are inspired by the noble desire to 
act as a friend as well as by the wishes of all the other Governments 
which expect the United States to act as Mexico's nearest friend. 
But if such good offices are to be of the character of those now tend- 
ered to us we should have to decline them in the most categorical and 
definite manner. 



11 

Inasmuch as the Government of the United States is willing to act 
in the most disinterested friendship, it will be difficult for it to find a 
more propitious opportunity than the following: If it should only 
watch that no material and monetary assistance is given to rebels 
who find refuge, conspire, and provide themselves with arms and 
food on the other side of the border; if it should demand from its 
minor and local authorities the strictest observance of the neutrality 
laws, I assure you, Mr. Confidential Agent, that the complete paci- 
fication of this Eepublic would be accomplished within a relatively 
short time. 

I intentionally abstain from replying to the allusion that it is the 
purpose of the United States of America to show the greatest respect 
for the sovereignty and independence of Mexico, because, Mr. Confi- 
dential Agent, there are matters which not even from the standpoint 
of the idea itself could be given an answer in writing. 

His Excellency, Mr. Wilson, is laboring under a serious delusion 
when he declares that the present situation of Mexico is incompatible 
with the compliance of her international obligations, with the de- 
velopment of its own civilization, and with the required maintenance 
of certain political and economical conditions tolerable in Central 
America. Strongly backing that there is a mistake, because to this 
date no charge has been made by any foreign Government accusing 
us of the above lack of compliance, we are punctually meeting all of 
our credits; we are still maintaining diplomatic missions cordially 
accepted in almost all the countries of the world, and we continue to 
be invited to all kinds of international congresses and conferences. 
With regard to our interior development, the following proof is 
sufficient, to wit, a contract has just been signed with Belgian capi- 
talists which means to Mexico the construction of something like 
6,000 kilometers of railway. In conclusion, we fail to see the evil 
results, which are prejudicial only to ourselves, felt in Central 
America by our present domestic war. In one thing I do agree with 
you, Mr. Confidential Agent, and it is that the whole of America is 
clamoring for a prompt solution of our disturbances, this being a very 
natural sentiment if it is borne in mind that a country which was 
prosperous only yesterday has been suddenly caused to suffer a great 
internal misfortune. 

Consequently Mexico can not for one moment take into considera- 
tion the four conditions which His Excellency Mr. Wilson has been 
pleased to propose through your honorable and worthy channel. 
I must give you the reasons for it : An immediate suspension of the 
struggle in Mexico, a definite armistice " solemnly constructed and 
scrupulously observed " is not possible, as to do this it would be 
necessary that there should be some one capable of proposing it 
without causing a profound offense to civilization, to the many 
bandits who, under this or that pretext, are marauding toward the 
south and committing the most outrageous depredations; and I 
know of no country in the world, the United States included, which 
may have ever dared to enter into agreement or to propose an armis- 
tice to individuals who, perhaps on account of a physiological ac- 
cident, can be found all over the world beyond the pale of the divine 
and human laws. Bandits, Mr. Confidential Agent, are not admitted 
to armistice; the first action against them is one of correction, and 



12 

when this, unfortunately, fails their lives must be severed for the 
salce of the biological and fundamental principle then the useful 
sprouts should grow and fructify. 

With reference to the rebels who style themselves " Constitution- 
alists," one of the representatives of whom has been given an ear 
by Members of the United States Senate, what could there be more 
gratifying to us than if convinced of the precipice to which we are 
being ch-agged by the resentment of their defeat, in a moment of 
reaction they would depose their rancor and add their strength to ours, 
so that all together we would undertake the great and urgent task 
of national reconstruction? Unfortunately they do not avail them- 
selves of the amnesty law enacted by the provisional government 
immediately after its inauguration, but on the contrary, well-known 
rebels holding elective positions in the capital of the Republic or 
profitable employments, left the country without molestation, not- 
withstanding the information which the Government had that they 
were going to foreign lands to work against its interests, many of 
whom have taken upon themselves the unfortunate task of exposing 
the mysteries and infirmities from which we are suffering, the same 
as any other human congregations. 

Were we to agree with them to the armistice suggested, they 
w^ould, ipso facto, recognize their belligerency, and this is some- 
thing which can not be done for many reasons which can not escape 
the perspicacity of the Government of the United States of America, 
which to this day, and publicly, at least, has classed them as rebels 
just the same as we have. And it is an accepted doctrine that no 
armistice can be concerted with rebels. 

The assurance asked of my Government that it should promptly 
convene to free elections is the most evident proof and the most 
unequivocal concession that the Government of the United States 
considers it legally and solidly constituted and that it is exercising, 
like all those of its class, acts of such importance as to indicate the 
perfect civil operation of a sovereign nation. Inasmuch as our laws 
already provide such assurance, there is no fear that the latter may 
not be observed during the coming elections, and while the present 
Government is of a provisional character it will cede its place to the 
definite Government which may be elected by the people. 

The request that Gen. Victoriano Huerta should agree not to 
appear as a candidate for the Presidency of the Republic in the com- 
ing elections can not be taken into consideration, because, aside from 
its strange and unwarranted character, there is a risk that the same 
might be interpreted as a matter of personal dislike. This point can 
only be decided by Mexican public opinion when it may be expressed 
at the polls. 

The pledge that all parties should agree beforehand to tlie results 
of the election and to cooperate in the most loyal manner to support 
and organize the new administration is something to be tacitly sup- 
posed and desired, and that the experience of what this internal 
strife means to us in loss of life and the destruction of property will 
cause all contending political factions to abide by the results; but 
it would be extemporaneous to make any assertion in this respect, 
even by the most experienced countries in civil matters, inasmuch as 
no one can forecast or foresee the errors and excesses which men are 



13 

likely to commit, especially under the influence of political passion. 
We hasten to signify our appreciation to the United States of Amer- 
ica because they agree from to-day to recognize and aid the future 
which we, the Mexican people, may elect to rule our destinies. On 
the other hand, we greatly deplore the present tension in our rela- 
tions with your country, a tension which has been produced without 
Mexico having afforded the slightest cause therefor. The legality of 
the government of Gen. Huerta can not be disputed. Article 85 of 
our political constitution provides : 

If at the beginning of a constitutional term neither the President nor the 
Vice President elected present themselves, or if the election had not been held 
and the results thereof declared by the 1st of December, nevertheless, the 
President whose term has expired will cease in his functions, and the secretary 
for foreign affairs shall immedlsitely take charge of the Executive power in 
the capacity of provisional President ; and if there should be no secretary for 
foreign affairs, or if he should be incapacitated, the Presidency shall devolve 
on one of the other secretaries pursuant to the order provided by the law estab- 
lishiug their number. The same procedure shall be followed when, in the case 
of the absolute or temporary absence of the President the Vice President fails 
to appear, when on leave of absence from his post if he should be discharging 
his duties, and when in the course of his term the absolute absence of both func- 
tionaries should occur. 

Now, then, the facts which occurred are the following : The resigna- 
tion of Francisco I. Madero, constitutional President, and Jose 
Maria Pino Suarez, constitutional Vice President of the Republic. 
These resignations having been accepted, Pedro Lascurain, minister for 
foreign affairs, took charge by operation of law of the vacant execu- 
tive power, appointing, as he had the power to do, Gen. Victoriano 
Huerta to the post of minister of the interior. As Mr. Lascurain 
soon afterwards resigned, and as his resignation was immediately 
accepted by Congress, Gen. Victoriano Huerta took charge of the 
executive power, also by operation of law, with the provisional 
character and under the constitutional promise already complied 
with to issue a call for special elections. As will be seen, the point 
of issue is exclusively one of constitutional law in which no foreign 
nation, no matter how powerful and respectable it may be, should 
mediate in the least. 

Moreover, my Government considers that at the present time the 
recognition of the Government of Gen. Huerta by that of the United 
States of America is not concerned, inasmuch as facts which exist on 
their own account are not and can not be susceptible of recognition. 
The only thing which is being discussed is a suspension of relations 
as abnormal and without reason; abnormal, because the ambassador 
of the United States of America, in his high diplomatic investiture 
and appearing as dean of the foreign diplomatic corps accredited to 
the Government of the Republic, congratulated Gen. Huerta upon his 
elevation to the Presidency, continued to correspond with this de- 
partment by means of diplomatic notes, and on his departure left the 
first secretary of the embassy of the United States of America as 
charge d'affaires ad interim, and the latter continues here in the free 
exercise of his functions; and without reason, because, I repeat, we 
have not given the slightest pretext. 

The confidential agent may believe that solely because of the 
sincere esteem in which the people and the Government of the 
United States of America are held by the people and Government of 



14 

Mexico, and because of the consideration which it has for all 
friendly nations (and especially in this case for those which have 
offered their good offices) , my Government consented to take into con- 
sideration, and to answer as briefly as the matter permits, the repre- 
sentations of which you are the bearer. Otherwise, it would have 
rejected them immediately because of their humiliating and unusual 
character, hardly admissible even in a treaty of peace after a victory, 
inasmuch as in a like case any nation which in the least respects 
itself would do likewise. It is because my Government has confidence 
in that when the justice of its cause is reconsidered with serenity and 
from a lofty point of view by the present President of the United 
States of America, whose sense of morality and uprightness are be- 
yond question, that he will withdraw from his attitude and will con- 
tribute to the renewal of still firmer bases for the relations of sincere 
friendship and good understanding forcibly imposed upon us 
throughout the centuries by our geographical nearness, something 
which neither of us can change, even though we would so desire, by 
our mutual interests and by our share of activity in the common sense 
of prosperity, welfare, and culture, in regard to which we are 
pleased to acknowledge that you are enviably ahead of us. 

With reference to the final part of the instructions of President 
Wilson, which I beg to include herewith and which say, " If Mexico 
can suggest any better way in which to show our friendship, serve 
the people of Mexico, and meet our international obligations, we are 
more than willing to consider the suggestion," that final part causes 
me to propose the following equally decorous arrangement : One, that 
our ambassador be received in Washington; two, that the United 
States of America send us a new ambassador without previous con- 
ditions. 

And all this threatening and distressing situation will have 
reached a happy conclusion ; mention will not be made of the causes 
which might carry us, if the tension persists, to no one knows what 
incalculable extremities for two peoples who have the unavoidable 
obligation to continue being friends, provided, of course, that this 
friendship is based upon mutual respect, which is indispensable be- 
tween two sovereign entities wholly equal before law and justice. 

In conclusion, permit me, Mr. Confidential Agent, to reiterate to 
you the assurances of my perfect consideration. 

F. Gamboa, 
Secretary for Foreign Affairs of the Republic. 

o 



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